Fleming threatened to rename the character 'Goldprick', and the case never came to court.

[Brutalism's] most notorious exponent was the patrician Hungarian-born architect Erno Goldfinger, who lived in an uncompromising concrete framed cottage in Hampstead that he had designed himself, infuriating his wealthy neighbours. The novelist Ian Fleming took such exception to Goldfinger's home that he used his surname for one of James Bond's most evil adversaries. When Goldfinger consulted his lawyers, Fleming threatened to rename the character 'Goldprick', and the case never came to court.

D. Sandbrook, White Heat (2006), 622-3

The soundtrack of the American musical South Pacific spent forty-six weeks at number one

The most popular Beatles' album, Please Please Me, spent forty-three weeks in the Top Ten. By comparison, the soundtrack of the American musical South Pacific spent forty-six weeks at number one, and more than three years in the Top Ten. Yet even this was dwarfed by the outstanding musical product of the sixties, Rogers and Hammerstein's The Sound of Music. The two versions of this phenomenally successful musical - a Broadway recording from 1960 and the film soundtrack of 1965 - remained in the Top Ten of the album chart for more than five years, and the film soundtrack held the number one spot for a staggering 69 weeks.

D. Sandbrook, White Heat (2006), 412-3

There was nothing quite like the condescension of the public schoolboy for his grammar school equivalent.

Wilson himself had sent his children to private schools, as did most of his ministers. C.P. Snow explained that 'if you are living in a prosperous home it is a mistake to educate your child differently from most of the people he knows socially'.

...

The destruction of the grammar schools was a project close to Crosland's heart. He had been educated at Highgate, a minor public school. If he had attended a grammar school, like Wilson or Heath, or his friends and rivals Jenkins or Healey, then he might have been less keen to abolish an institution that had manifestly succeeded in propelling bright pupils from modest backgrounds to the highest places in the land. Unfortunately, as Wilson and Health were well aware, there was nothing quite like the condescension of the public schoolboy for his grammar school equivalent.

D. Sandbrook, White Heat (2006), 334

The generation gap, meanwhile, appeared to be a myth

[In 1969] All social groups, rich and poor, young and old, agreed that there was 'too much publicity given to sex', that 'murderers ought to be hanged' and, by an enormous margin, there were 'too many coloured immigrants in the country now'. The generation gap, meanwhile, appeared to be a myth. In a stunning refutation of the simplistic identification of young people with political progressivism, two-thirds of young people between sixteen and twenty-four agreed that hanging should be brought back, while hostility to coloured immigrants was even stronger among the young than among pensioners.

D. Sandbrook, White Heat (2006), 199

Later (p. 681), Sandbrook observes 74% of the country later agreed with Powell's Rivers of blood speech.

Does not everybody have a head like a skull?

Home was notoriously ill suited for television, and when he arrived in the studio for one early appearance as Prime Minister he had a depressing exchange with the make-up assistant.

HOME: Can you not make me look better than I do on television? I look rather scraggy like a ghost.
MAKE-UP LADY: No.
HOME: Why not?
MAKE-UP LADY: Because you have a head like a skull.
HOME: Does not everybody have a head like a skull?
MAKE-UP LADY: No.

D. Sandbrook, White Heat (2006), 9

I once asked him, in Annie's Bar, what sort of whisky he liked. 'Large ones'

He did not aspire to the Tory beau monde. He was solidly bourgeois and highly intelligent. He liked good wine, whisky and Havana cigars. He was not, however, at all fussy. I once asked him, in Annie's Bar, what sort of whisky he liked. 'Large ones,'

Alan Watkins, cited in D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 514

[The BBC] was being semi-seriously bracketed with 'Parliament, Monarchy, Church and the Holy Ghost

The BBC was not merely a national institution but a powerful and definitive expression of national will and character. ... With guaranteed funding from a mandatory licence fee, and privileged access to a captive market, it enjoyed resources and opportunities unmatched anywhere else in the world, and within a few years it was being semi-seriously bracketed with 'Parliament, Monarchy, Church and the Holy Ghost.' By the end of the Second World War, it had become 'an additional established church, a source of authority over the language, an arbiter of national taste, a national musical impresario and a re-invigorator of national drama and song.

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 379

I said, 'Are these people ready for self-government?' And he said , 'No, of course not.'

Many officials thought the pace of change was too fast, but acknowledged that they simply had no choice, as Macmillan discovered when he talked to the Governor-General of Nigeria [James Robertson]:

I said, 'Are these people ready for self-government?' And he said , 'No, of course not.'

I said, 'When will they be ready?' He said, 'Twenty years, twenty-five years.'

Then I said, 'What do you recommend me to do?' He said, 'I recommend you give it to them at once.'

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 289

The fuller quote, which is here, is thoughtful on why, though of course is of its time.

Very recently this country spent a great deal of blood and treasure rescuing four of 'em from attacks by the other two

in 1967, when old and frail, Attlee was asked to address a group of anti-European Labour backbenchers, and obliged with a characteristically terse speech that captured the sentiments of many of his fellow citizens: 'The Common Market.The so-called Common Market of six nations. Know them all well. Very recently this country spent a great deal of blood and treasure rescuing four of 'em from attacks by the other two.'

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 220

The people of Woodford felt they belonged to a friendly, helpful community almost as unanimously as the people of Bethnal Green

Wilmott and Young expected to fund that the 'warmth and friendliness' that they had found in Bethnal Green had no equivalent in a middle-class commuter suburb, where the people were supposed to be frustrated, selfish  and lonely. But what they discovered was precisely the opposite. 'People in the suburb', they concluded, 'are on the whole friendly, neighbourly and helpful to each other. They attend churches and clubs together, they like (or at any rate profess to like) their follow-residents. ... [']The people of Woodford felt they belonged to a friendly, helpful community almost as unanimously as the people of Bethnal Green.'

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 125

It was the party of Empire, the King and the flag, and that was good enough for him

Powell was a man of almost obsessive passions, from Housman and Nietzsche to High Anglicanism and hunting. He was, in short, a nineteenth-century romantic, zealous and uncompromising, a man of causes. His decision to join the Conservative Party, for example, was based less on social and economic principles than on sheer romantic traditionalism. It was the party of Empire, the King and the flag, and that was good enough for him. 

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 85

By January 1958, the entire government comprised some eight-five ministers, of whom thirty-five were related to Macmillan by marriage

This was largely overshadowed, however, by the fact that the Cabinet itself had a very narrow social base. Of the sixteen members in January 1957, six had been at Eton, only two had not attended a major public school, and, as usual, there were no women at all. Even more remarkably, the government as a whole was crammed to the seams with Macmillan's own relatives. By January 1958, the entire government comprised some eight-five ministers, of whom thirty-five were related to Macmillan by marriage, including seven of the nineteen members of the cabinet.

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 78

Not while I'm alive he ain't

Unfortunately for Bevan, many of his own party colleagues detested him. Told that Bevan was his own worst enemy, the powerful trade unionist and Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin commented: 'Not while I'm alive he ain't.' Herbert Morrison called him 'wicked', and Hugh Dalton wrote of his making 'a violent speech, of nauseating egoism and sweating with hatred'.

D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), 55-56

The dream is over. It's just the same, only I'm thirty, and a lot of people have got long hair

I don't know about the "history"; the people who are in control and in power, and the class system and the whole bullshit bourgeoisie is exactly the same, except there is a lot of fag middle class kids with long, long hair walking around London in trendy clothes, and Kenneth Tynan is making a fortune out of the word "fuck." Apart from that, nothing happened. We all dressed up, the same bastards are in control, the same people are runnin' everything. It is exactly the same.

We've grown up a little, all of us, there has been a change and we're all a bit freer and all that, but it's the same game. Shit, they're doing exactly the same thing, selling arms to South Africa, killing blacks on the street, people are living in fucking poverty, with rats crawling over them. It just makes you puke, and I woke up to that too.

The dream is over. It's just the same, only I'm thirty, and a lot of people have got long hair. That's what it is, man, nothing happened except that we grew up, we did our thing – just like they were telling us. You kids – most of the so called "now generation" are getting a job. We're a minority, you know, people like us always were, but maybe we are a slightly larger minority because of maybe something or other.

John Lennon, Interview with J.S. Wenner, Rolling Stone (Feb 4 1971), quoted in D. Sandbrook, Never had it so good (2005), xxiii.